Language and perception: debating universal patterns in color

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90 min
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Think about these questions before watching. Share your ideas with a partner.

  1. Have you ever had a friendly disagreement with someone about what to call a particular color, for instance, whether something is blue or green? What does this suggest about the subjective nature of perception?
  2. To what extent do you believe the language we speak shapes our reality? Think of examples beyond color, perhaps related to emotions, time, or familial relationships.
  3. Why do you think cultures across the globe have developed abstract words for colors like 'red' or 'blue', rather than just describing them by referencing objects, such as 'the color of the sky' or 'the color of blood'?
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Watch the video carefully. Pay attention to the main ideas and key details.

Video script100 segments · click a timestamp to jump

If I showed you this paint chip and asked you to tell me what color it is, what would

you say?

How about this one?

And this one?

You probably said blue, purple, and brown — but if your native language is Wobé from

Côte d’Ivoire, you probably would have used one word for all three.

That’s because not all languages have the same number of basic color categories.

In English, we have 11.

Russian has 12, but some languages, like Wobé, only have 3.

And researchers have found that if a language only has 3 or 4 basic colors, they can usually

predict what those will be.

So how do they do it?

As you would expect, different languages have different words for colors.

But what interests researchers isn’t those simple translations, it’s the question of

which colors get names at all.

Because as much as we think of colors in categories, the truth is that color is a spectrum.

It’s not obvious why we should have a basic color term for this color, but not this one.

And until the 1960s it was widely believed by anthropologists that cultures would just

chose from the spectrum randomly.

But In 1969, two Berkeley researchers, Paul Kay and Brent Berlin, published a book challenging

that assumption.

They had asked 20 people who spoke different languages to look at these 330 color chips

and categorize each of them by their basic color term.

And they found hints of a universal pattern: If a language had six basic color words, they

were always for black (or dark), white (or light), red, green, yellow, and blue.

If it had four terms, they were for black, white, red, and then either green or yellow.

If it had only three, they were always for black, white, and red.

It suggested that as languages develop, they create color names in a certain order.

First black and white, then red, then green and yellow, then blue, then others like brown,

purple, pink, orange, and gray.

The theory was revolutionary.

[music change]

They weren’t the first researchers interested in the question of how we name colors.

In 1858, William Gladstone — who would later become a four-term British Prime Minister

— published a book on the ancient Greek works of Homer.

He was struck by the fact that there weren’t many colors at all in the text, and when there

were, Homer would use the same word for “colours which, according to us, are essentially different.”

He used the same word for purple to describe blood, a dark cloud, a wave, and

a rainbow, and he referred to the sea as wine-looking.

Gladstone didn’t find any references to blue or orange at all.

Some researchers took this and other ancient writings to wrongly speculate that earlier

societies were colorblind.

Later in the 19th century, an anthropologist named W.H.R.

Rivers went on an expedition to Papua New Guinea, where he found that some tribes only

had words for red, white and black, while others had additional words for blue and green.

"An expedition to investigate the cultures on a remote group of islands in the Torres Straits

between Australia and New Guinea.

His brief was to investigate the mental characteristics of the islanders.

He claimed that the number of color terms in a population was related to their “intellectual

and cultural development”.

And used his findings to claim that Papuans were less physically evolved than Europeans.

Berlin and Kay didn’t make those racist claims, but their color hierarchy attracted

a lot of criticism.

For one thing, critics pointed out that the study used a small sample size — 20 people,

all of whom were bilingual English speakers, not monolingual native speakers.

And almost all the languages were from industrialized societies — hardly the best portrait of

the entire world.

But it also had to do with defining what a “basic color term” is.

In the Yele language in Papua New Guinea, for example, there are only basic color terms

for black, white, and red.

But there’s a broad vocabulary of everyday objects — like the sky, ashes, and tree

sap — that are used as color comparisons that cover almost all English color words.

There are also languages like Hanunó’o from the Phillippines, where a word can communicate

both color and physical feeling.

They have four basic terms to describe color — but they’re on a spectrum of light vs.

dark, strength vs. weakness, and wetness vs. dryness.

Those kinds of languages don’t fit neatly into a color chip identification test.

But by the late 1970s, Berlin and Kay had a response for the critics.

They called it the World Color Survey.

They conducted the same labeling test on over 2,600 native speakers of 110 unwritten languages

from nonindustrialized societies.

They found that with some tweaks, the color hierarchy still checked out.

Eighty-three percent of the languages fit into the hierarchy.

And when they averaged the centerpoint of where each speaker labeled each of their language’s

colors, they wound up with a sort of heat map.

Those clusters matched pretty closely to the English speakers’ averages, which are labeled

here.

Here’s how Paul Kay puts it: “It just turns out that most languages make

cuts in the same place.

Some languages make fewer cuts than others.”

So these color stages are widespread throughout the world… but why?

Why would a word for red come before a word for blue?

Some have speculated that the stages correspond to the salience of the color in the natural

environment.

Red is in blood and in dirt.

Blue, on the other hand, was fairly scarce before manufacturing.

Recently cognitive science researchers have explored this question by running computer

simulations of how language evolves through conversations between people.

The simulations presented artificial agents with multiple colors at a time, and, through

a series of simple negotiations, those agents developed shared labels for the different

colors.

And the order in which those labels emerged?

First, reddish tones, then green and yellow, then blue, then orange.

It matched the original stages pretty closely.

And it suggests that there’s something about the colors themselves that leads to this hierarchy.

Red is fundamentally more distinct than the other colors.

So what does all this mean?

Why does it matter?

Well, it tells us that despite our many differences across cultures and societies ... there is

something universal about how humans try to make sense of the world.

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Answer these questions in your own words. Support your answers with evidence from the video.

01What was the revolutionary theory proposed by Berlin and Kay in 1969, and how did it challenge the previously held belief about naming colors?
Sample answerThey proposed that languages don't just randomly pick color names, but instead develop them in a specific, universal order. This was revolutionary because before that, anthropologists thought cultures chose which colors to name without any particular pattern. The hierarchy they found starts with black and white, then red, then green and yellow, and so on.
02In what way were the conclusions drawn by early researchers like Gladstone and Rivers flawed or problematic?
Sample answerTheir conclusions were flawed because they made incorrect assumptions. For instance, some researchers looked at Gladstone's findings about ancient Greek texts and wrongly speculated that people back then were colorblind. Rivers' work was even more problematic because he used his findings about color terms in Papua New Guinea to make racist claims, suggesting that the islanders were less evolved than Europeans.
03How do languages like Yele and Hanunó’o demonstrate the limitations of trying to fit all language systems into a simple color hierarchy?
Sample answerThese languages show that the concept of a 'basic color term' isn't universal. Yele, for example, only has three basic terms but uses a rich vocabulary of comparisons to everyday things like the sky or tree sap to describe a wide range of colors. Hanunó’o is even more complex because its terms describe not just color, but also concepts like wetness versus dryness or strength versus weakness. These systems don't fit neatly into a test that just asks you to label a color chip.
04What are the more recent scientific explanations for why the universal color hierarchy might exist, and what do they suggest about human perception?
Sample answerThe video mentions two main theories. One is that colors that are more prominent in the natural world, like red from blood, get named first. The other, more recent explanation comes from computer simulations. These showed that when artificial agents 'invented' a language for color, red was always the first one to be distinguished because it's fundamentally more distinct. This suggests that the hierarchy isn't just about culture, but might be rooted in something universal about how our brains perceive color itself.
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Vocabulary

Vocabulary
These expressions will help you communicate more naturally about this topic.
To draw a distinction between — to recognize and state the difference between two or more things.
Usage note: this is a semi-formal phrase often used in academic or analytical discussions. It's a strong alternative to 'tell the difference'. Common collocation: 'draw a clear/sharp distinction between A and B'.
To be culturally contingent — to depend on the specific cultural context, values, or environment of a society.
Usage note: use this to argue that a phenomenon isn't universal but is shaped by culture. It's common in social sciences. For example, 'The researchers argued that emotional expression is culturally contingent, not universal'.
To map onto something — to correspond or have a direct relationship with something else.
Usage note: this phrasal verb is useful for describing how one system (like language) relates to another (like the physical world). For instance, 'It's interesting to see how linguistic categories map onto the visible spectrum of light'.
To challenge an assumption — to question or dispute a belief that was previously accepted as true without proof.
Usage note: this is a key phrase in academic and formal debates. You can talk about 'challenging a long-held assumption' or a 'widely-held assumption', as the researchers did in the video.
On the face of it — used to say that something seems to be true when you first look at it, although it may not be.
Usage note: this is a useful discourse marker to introduce a point that you are about to analyze more deeply or contradict. It's similar to 'at first glance'. Example: 'On the face of it, the theory seems plausible, but further research reveals several flaws'.
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Decide if each statement is true or false. Correct the false ones.

01The video opens by illustrating that speakers of Wobé would likely use a single linguistic category for colors English speakers distinguish as blue, purple, and brown.
02One potential explanation offered for blue's late appearance in the color hierarchy is its relative rarity in the natural environment prior to the advent of manufacturing.
03The World Color Survey, a large-scale follow-up study, ultimately served to invalidate Berlin and Kay's original theory of a color hierarchy.
04The video presents William Gladstone's speculation that ancient societies were colorblind as a definitive and widely accepted conclusion.
05The Hanunó’o language is presented as a prime example of a linguistic system that aligns perfectly with Berlin and Kay's color chip identification test.
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Complete the sentences with words from the box. One word is extra.

Word bank
01Many languages don't draw a clear between the colours we call 'blue' and 'green', using a single term for both.
02The idea that some concepts are universal is debatable; many argue that our understanding of the world is culturally .
03It's fascinating how the conceptual world of one language rarely perfectly onto another, leading to translation challenges.
04The long-held that thought is independent of language has been challenged by modern linguistic research.
05On the of it, the theory appears sound, but it fails to account for several linguistic outliers.
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Choose the best answer based on what you heard in the video.

01According to the video, what was a significant criticism of Berlin and Kay's initial 1969 research?
02What was a key finding of the World Color Survey conducted in the late 1970s?
03What did the recent computer simulations mentioned in the video suggest about the color hierarchy?
04Which of the following is NOT mentioned in the video as a way languages categorize or describe colors?
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Language and thought: completing the ideas

The way language influences our perception is a subject of intense debate. Complete the sentences below to explore some key arguments.

Match each item on the left with the correct item on the right.

Drag or click to match
Definitions
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Discuss these questions with a partner. Try to use vocabulary from the lesson.

  1. The video presents a theory of a universal hierarchy for how languages develop color terms. On the face of it, this seems plausible, but how universal can it truly be? Debate whether environmental factors or technological development could be more influential, making color perception entirely culturally contingent.
  2. Reflect on your native language. Are there any colors where your language draws a distinction that English doesn't, or vice-versa (e.g., light blue vs. dark blue in Russian, or a single word for blue/green)? How do you think these linguistic categories map onto the actual spectrum of color, and to what extent do you believe they shape a speaker's perception?
  3. Berlin and Kay's work challenged the assumption that our conceptual categories are random. Applying this idea beyond color, in what other domains might our language create structured perceptions of reality? Consider abstract concepts like justice, success, or family relationships, and discuss whether our understanding of them is universal or culturally contingent.